Wednesday, August 22, 2012
Tuesday, August 21, 2012
Test
The following presentation demonstrates my skills with Adobe Captivate.
First watch the video below.
After the video, take this quiz to test your skills.
Don't forget to to test your skills!
Wednesday, June 6, 2012
Why education is not a cure all or panacea
On Friday 1 June 2012, I submitted a complete draft of my dissertation to my committee members. Since then, I got some feedback from my committee chair about removing some items from the 330 page document (or 82,632 words not including footnotes and references). My next few posts might end up serving a similar purpose to this one--serving as a repository for the rejected prose from my dissertation.
When one sets out to write a book-length project, inspiration comes from everywhere. That was the case for me, as I read Obama's memoir "Dreams from my father: a story of race and inheritance" while doing fieldwork in Morocco during 2009-2010.
The character in Obama’s memoir, Asante Moran, discusses the educational experience of his pupils through the lens of standpoint theory. The challenge to formal schooling in Obama’s text cites the disconnection between the experience behind the curriculum that is being taught and the experience of the pupils to whom it is being taught. Obama quotes Moran further, “From day one, what’s he[/she] learning about? Someone else’s history. Someone else’s culture, Not only that, this culture [she/]he’s supposed to learn is the same culture that’s systematically rejected him[/her], denied him[/her] his[/her] humanity.”[3] This second quote is even more relevant to the women of Morocco, and the relevance increases as the intersectional identities increase. Rural women, poor women, girls and teens (youth is another intersectional identity), Amazigh (Berber) women, single mothers, mentally or physically handicapped women, homosexual women, children born to Moroccan women and non-Moroccan men (this affects issues of nationality and the privileges associated with it), widows, mothers of daughters, non-Muslim women, and others.
Indeed, inter-subjectively, the marginalized student is not being taught her history while the enfranchised students gets to benefit from an otherwise more robust educational experience when that experience is shared with students from different backgrounds. Obama points out through his character Moran that, “The flow of culture [runs] in reverse as well.”[4] The disenfranchised have “their own forms of validation.” Their “claims of greater deprivation” afford them “greater authenticity.” Furthermore, their mere presence in the classroom with privileged students provides those privileged students “with an education”[5] from the points of view of the disenfranchised (the poor, the deprived and other areas outside of affluence and privilege). Inclusion leads to an improved school experience for everyone.
[1] Barack Obama. Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance. 1st pbk. ed. New York: Three Rivers Press, 2004. 258.
[2] See for example, International Working Group on Education (IWGE). "Critical Issues in Education for All: Gender Parity, Emergencies," (Paris: UNESCO: International Institute for Educational Planning, 2003).
[3] Obama, Dreams from my father: a story of race and inheritance: 258.
[4] Ibid., 286.
[5] Ibid.
When one sets out to write a book-length project, inspiration comes from everywhere. That was the case for me, as I read Obama's memoir "Dreams from my father: a story of race and inheritance" while doing fieldwork in Morocco during 2009-2010.
-----------
An alternative view to the near universal assumption that education is a quasi panacea is the viewpoint that formal schooling does not provide adequate education to marginalized or minority populations, including the poor and women. In other words, formal schooling does not teach marginalized or minority students about the world based on their perspectives or experiences. In one of his memoirs, Obama profiles educator Asante Moran, a character that may represent a composite of more than one real person. Obama quotes Moran as saying, “Just think about what a real education for these children would involve. It would start by giving a child an understanding of himself[/herself], his[/her] world, his[/her] culture, his[/her] community. That’s the starting point of any educational process. That’s what makes a child hungry to learn—the promise of being part of something, of mastering his[/her] environment.”[1] While Obama’s character was referring to inner-city minority youths in 1980s Chicago, his thoughts are true and valid for all people, not just inner-city minority youths. This point speaks to the importance of involving the targets of education (or the products of education, whether failed or inadequate or successful) into the curriculum and program designing process. Such inclusion is challenging for Moroccan society, where teaching is a low prestige job, and teachers are largely not respected by the state or society. There is growing research on the positive results of including different voices in designing curriculum and schooling programs.[2] The character in Obama’s memoir, Asante Moran, discusses the educational experience of his pupils through the lens of standpoint theory. The challenge to formal schooling in Obama’s text cites the disconnection between the experience behind the curriculum that is being taught and the experience of the pupils to whom it is being taught. Obama quotes Moran further, “From day one, what’s he[/she] learning about? Someone else’s history. Someone else’s culture, Not only that, this culture [she/]he’s supposed to learn is the same culture that’s systematically rejected him[/her], denied him[/her] his[/her] humanity.”[3] This second quote is even more relevant to the women of Morocco, and the relevance increases as the intersectional identities increase. Rural women, poor women, girls and teens (youth is another intersectional identity), Amazigh (Berber) women, single mothers, mentally or physically handicapped women, homosexual women, children born to Moroccan women and non-Moroccan men (this affects issues of nationality and the privileges associated with it), widows, mothers of daughters, non-Muslim women, and others.
Indeed, inter-subjectively, the marginalized student is not being taught her history while the enfranchised students gets to benefit from an otherwise more robust educational experience when that experience is shared with students from different backgrounds. Obama points out through his character Moran that, “The flow of culture [runs] in reverse as well.”[4] The disenfranchised have “their own forms of validation.” Their “claims of greater deprivation” afford them “greater authenticity.” Furthermore, their mere presence in the classroom with privileged students provides those privileged students “with an education”[5] from the points of view of the disenfranchised (the poor, the deprived and other areas outside of affluence and privilege). Inclusion leads to an improved school experience for everyone.
[1] Barack Obama. Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance. 1st pbk. ed. New York: Three Rivers Press, 2004. 258.
[2] See for example, International Working Group on Education (IWGE). "Critical Issues in Education for All: Gender Parity, Emergencies," (Paris: UNESCO: International Institute for Educational Planning, 2003).
[3] Obama, Dreams from my father: a story of race and inheritance: 258.
[4] Ibid., 286.
[5] Ibid.
Saturday, May 19, 2012
Moroccan women as seen from abroad
I read this article back in 2010 when it was published in Telquel, but I am just now getting to the part of my dissertation where I am able to include it and my thoughts on it. I thought I'd share those thoughts here, especially in light of the recent article I blogged about yesterday about the Moroccan school girl banned from taking her entrance exam at a prestigious high school in Rabat because she was wearing a hijab.
Anyhow, the Telquel article, in French, is titled "Moroccan women as seen by the Arabs."
The article discusses how across Arab states, the image of the Moroccan woman is anecdotally trademarked, and is associated with being liberated--though interpreting that association is subjective. While in the West, the quality of being liberated hints at franchise and agency, among Arabs, so-called 'liberated' Moroccan women make ideal prostitutes, resulting in Algerian and Tunisian migrants passing themselves off as Moroccan in order to provide the product their customers are seeking.
Morocco represents the literal and figurative west of the Arab world. Moroccan women, in the minds of Khaleejis, go out, work, exist, and don't cover themselves from head to toe. One might mark the historical beginning of women's physical and spatial liberation in 1947. It was then that Princess Lalla Aicha, paternal aunt of the current king, appeared in 1947 without a veil.
The stereotype of Moroccan women as liberated has led to an ironic reduction of freedom of movement for them. Muslims are required to make a pilgrimage to Mecca if their resources allow it. There is also a so-called minor pilgrimage that is not required but is recommended for the devout. As of 2010 (and likely earlier) an unaccompanied Moroccan woman faces additional obstacles to obtaining the necessary permissions to enter Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries. These new obstacles extend beyond the usual labyrinthine bureaucracy, and are rooted in the stereotype that Moroccan women are too liberated.
In other words, while other Arab countries and cultures regard Moroccan women as being liberated, these same entities are party to restricting their freedom--of movement, of employment, of expression.
What is the origin of this stereotype? Well, according to the Telquel article, it comes in part form the portrayal of Moroccan women in Middle Eastern film. I discussed the Moroccan-woman-as-prostitute yesterday in reaction to my rage at seeing illiterate women being essentially blamed for exacerbating prostitution.
The article also brings up an interesting point about language, which is of particular interest to me and to my dissertation. In the final paragraph, the authors point out that most stereotypes of Moroccans come from non-Arab sources.
However, "la proximité de la langue aidant, les Marocains regardent plus de chaînes arabophones qu’européennes, et sont donc directement touchés par l’image que leur renvoient leurs frères arabes."
With this thought, the authors are either asserting that Moroccan people watch more Arabic language television channels than they do European ones or that Moroccans watch more Arab channels than European channels. This latter point means that the Moroccans are not just watching Arabic-speaking channels but also Arab channels which may be in other languages. Textual ambiguity aside, I would love to know upon what the authors are basing this claim. I am also interested in what the implications are for literacy in Morocco if Moroccans are watching more Arabic-language programming.
According to the authors, because of the Arabic-language affinity between Moroccans and other Arabs, the negative or stereotypical portrayal of Moroccans is more hurtful when it comes from fellow Arabs than when it comes from European programming.
The authors write:
"Preuve en est que l’épisode de la vidéo koweïtienne a égratigné plus de Marocains que foultitude de sketchs français bourrés de clichés sur le Maroc. C’est bien connu, les coups sont plus douloureux quand ils viennent de la famille."
Thus, the portrayal of Moroccans by Kuwaitis caused more outcry than the portrayal of Moroccans in French shows. This refers to a Kuwaiti program in which Moroccan women were characterized as scheming witches. For additional reading, especially if you don't feel like sifting through French, the article I blogged about yesterday discusses this issue, and others, in English.
Anyhow, the Telquel article, in French, is titled "Moroccan women as seen by the Arabs."
The article discusses how across Arab states, the image of the Moroccan woman is anecdotally trademarked, and is associated with being liberated--though interpreting that association is subjective. While in the West, the quality of being liberated hints at franchise and agency, among Arabs, so-called 'liberated' Moroccan women make ideal prostitutes, resulting in Algerian and Tunisian migrants passing themselves off as Moroccan in order to provide the product their customers are seeking.
Morocco represents the literal and figurative west of the Arab world. Moroccan women, in the minds of Khaleejis, go out, work, exist, and don't cover themselves from head to toe. One might mark the historical beginning of women's physical and spatial liberation in 1947. It was then that Princess Lalla Aicha, paternal aunt of the current king, appeared in 1947 without a veil.
The stereotype of Moroccan women as liberated has led to an ironic reduction of freedom of movement for them. Muslims are required to make a pilgrimage to Mecca if their resources allow it. There is also a so-called minor pilgrimage that is not required but is recommended for the devout. As of 2010 (and likely earlier) an unaccompanied Moroccan woman faces additional obstacles to obtaining the necessary permissions to enter Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries. These new obstacles extend beyond the usual labyrinthine bureaucracy, and are rooted in the stereotype that Moroccan women are too liberated.
In other words, while other Arab countries and cultures regard Moroccan women as being liberated, these same entities are party to restricting their freedom--of movement, of employment, of expression.
What is the origin of this stereotype? Well, according to the Telquel article, it comes in part form the portrayal of Moroccan women in Middle Eastern film. I discussed the Moroccan-woman-as-prostitute yesterday in reaction to my rage at seeing illiterate women being essentially blamed for exacerbating prostitution.
The article also brings up an interesting point about language, which is of particular interest to me and to my dissertation. In the final paragraph, the authors point out that most stereotypes of Moroccans come from non-Arab sources.
However, "la proximité de la langue aidant, les Marocains regardent plus de chaînes arabophones qu’européennes, et sont donc directement touchés par l’image que leur renvoient leurs frères arabes."
With this thought, the authors are either asserting that Moroccan people watch more Arabic language television channels than they do European ones or that Moroccans watch more Arab channels than European channels. This latter point means that the Moroccans are not just watching Arabic-speaking channels but also Arab channels which may be in other languages. Textual ambiguity aside, I would love to know upon what the authors are basing this claim. I am also interested in what the implications are for literacy in Morocco if Moroccans are watching more Arabic-language programming.
According to the authors, because of the Arabic-language affinity between Moroccans and other Arabs, the negative or stereotypical portrayal of Moroccans is more hurtful when it comes from fellow Arabs than when it comes from European programming.
The authors write:
"Preuve en est que l’épisode de la vidéo koweïtienne a égratigné plus de Marocains que foultitude de sketchs français bourrés de clichés sur le Maroc. C’est bien connu, les coups sont plus douloureux quand ils viennent de la famille."
Thus, the portrayal of Moroccans by Kuwaitis caused more outcry than the portrayal of Moroccans in French shows. This refers to a Kuwaiti program in which Moroccan women were characterized as scheming witches. For additional reading, especially if you don't feel like sifting through French, the article I blogged about yesterday discusses this issue, and others, in English.
Friday, May 18, 2012
Hijab ban for Moroccan school girl
I was shocked to see in this Alam article that the prestigious French secondary school Lycee Descartes in Rabat refused to allow a school girl to take her entrance exam because she was wearing a head covering. The private school justified the exclusion based on its deference to French law. However, Moroccan law does not allow for private schools owned/operated by foreign governments or entities to enforce laws that are at odds with Moroccan law. It will be interesting to see how the PJD (the Islamist party running Morocco at the moment) will react to this.
I will discuss this story, which though posted in April, has been going on since January at least, in more detail soon.
I will discuss this story, which though posted in April, has been going on since January at least, in more detail soon.
Feminism fail: Jadaliyya blames illiterates and illiteracy for causing prostitution
In a story called "A Monarchical Affair: From Morocco to the Arabian Peninsula," from 10 April 2012, Samia Errazzouki writing for Jadaliyya discusses the relationship between Morocco and Gulf countries. While her article covers some important and interesting information, she nonetheless falls into the all-too-common 'illiterates are ruining the world' trap. About two thirds through her article, she writes:
"Aside from the lack of legislation that addresses sex trafficking, high illiteracy and poverty rates, especially in rural areas, have turned the sex industry in Morocco into a lucrative market."
A quick reading of this sentence might not reveal the offensiveness of her point, so allow me to draw it out for you. First of all, how many times do we need to be reminded that CORRELATION IS NOT CAUSATION. In other words, high rates of illiteracy correlate with increased lucrativeness in the sex industry, at least according to Errazzouki. Fine. I need to get back to finishing my dissertation, so I am not going to take the time to look that one up. But illiteracy does not CAUSE prostitution or make prostitution a more appealing or make sex work a more lucrative career. In fact, both illiteracy and prostitution are caused by a complex set of structural factors rooted in patriarchy, economic inequality, and poverty. While it is true that there are sex workers who claim that they entered into sex work by choice, there are also sex workers who enter the trade because it pays better than cashiering at Kmart, or in the case of rural Morocco, anything else. Illiteracy doesn't cause women to become prostitutes, and being illiterate certainly doesn't increase a sex worker's earning potential, as Errazzouki's ambiguously worded sentence might suggest. More troubling, claiming that "high illiteracy...[has] turned the sex industry in Morocco into a lucrative market" in Morocco does not go into enough detail about who is profiting and how.
In any case, there is a lot more I could say about this, but I need to get back to my chapter on gender relations in Morocco so I can get my Ph.D. already...
Monday, April 16, 2012
BITCHfest: a very brief critique
A year ago during a long bus ride from Montreal to Boston, I read the book Bitchfest: Ten Years of Cultural Criticism from the Pages of Bitch Magazine (Miya-Jervis, Lisa, and Andi Zeisler. Bitchfest: Ten Years of Cultural Criticism from the Pages of Bitch Magazine. 1st ed. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2006.).
I remember the book being great, and I am finally incorporating my notes and thoughts from it into my dissertation on the role of illiterate women in grassroots activism. I especially enjoyed two chapters by Rachel Fudge: Celebrity Jeopardy: The Perils of Feminist Fame (pages 125-133) and Girl, Unreconstructed: Why Girl Power is Bad for Feminism (pages 155-161). In both chapters, Fudge provides some great nuggets about feminism, such as the notion that women and men “should have equal access to the public realm” and feminism can be “used to describe anything that is culturally oppositional or seeks social change.”
However, I wrote a note to myself expressing disappointment at the frequent missed opportunities to discuss the feminization of poverty or the importance of including poor women in re-development efforts in their own communities. The absence of these ideas struck me because a lot of what I see when I deconstruct the world is the result of reading Bitch Magazine, where I learned about interesting subjects like the non-disabled privilege and thin privilege and other eye-opening, life-changing topics that had never occurred to me.
Another missed mark is Fudge's comment that in cases where women are reluctant to adopt the label ‘feminist’ it is because they are reluctant “to be allied with anything that implies they are weak, or victimized, or unequal.” But this overlooks groups like Islamic feminists who reject the label feminist for other reasons, such is its association with secularism or westernization or colonialism. I can forgive her these missed opportunities because I love the takeaway, in my own words: Feminism isn’t just about giving women choices. It’s about a collective struggle, not a personal decision. It is about politicizing and contextualizing cultural messages about gender and behavior.
Anyhow, the entire book is a great read with a few missed opportunities.
I remember the book being great, and I am finally incorporating my notes and thoughts from it into my dissertation on the role of illiterate women in grassroots activism. I especially enjoyed two chapters by Rachel Fudge: Celebrity Jeopardy: The Perils of Feminist Fame (pages 125-133) and Girl, Unreconstructed: Why Girl Power is Bad for Feminism (pages 155-161). In both chapters, Fudge provides some great nuggets about feminism, such as the notion that women and men “should have equal access to the public realm” and feminism can be “used to describe anything that is culturally oppositional or seeks social change.”
However, I wrote a note to myself expressing disappointment at the frequent missed opportunities to discuss the feminization of poverty or the importance of including poor women in re-development efforts in their own communities. The absence of these ideas struck me because a lot of what I see when I deconstruct the world is the result of reading Bitch Magazine, where I learned about interesting subjects like the non-disabled privilege and thin privilege and other eye-opening, life-changing topics that had never occurred to me.
Another missed mark is Fudge's comment that in cases where women are reluctant to adopt the label ‘feminist’ it is because they are reluctant “to be allied with anything that implies they are weak, or victimized, or unequal.” But this overlooks groups like Islamic feminists who reject the label feminist for other reasons, such is its association with secularism or westernization or colonialism. I can forgive her these missed opportunities because I love the takeaway, in my own words: Feminism isn’t just about giving women choices. It’s about a collective struggle, not a personal decision. It is about politicizing and contextualizing cultural messages about gender and behavior.
Anyhow, the entire book is a great read with a few missed opportunities.
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